The central thesis of "Comeback Cities" is that if lost inner city neighborhoods are to be reclaimed, the residents of those neighborhoods must do it. Until they themselves take responsibility - mainly through the creation of nonprofit community development corporations (CDCs) - nothing else seems to work. But these "engines of reclamation" are not enough - the authors say they need to be coupled with new policing techniques, deregulation of public systems, (i.e., welfare and public housing reform) and educational reforms to reach a "critical mass" and real improvement. Seems unlikely, - but in city after city, - New York, Boston, Cleveland, Kansas City, Milwaukee, Oakland, Houston, - the authors detail the extraordinary results achieved by the confluence of these four new forces.

The central question of course is whether these trends can gain sufficient traction to become the blueprint for reliable inner city revitalization. Or are they simply anecdotal random events, uniquely tied to local circumstance.

This compelling and insightful book examines these new trends and shows, especially in the synergy of their confluence, that meaningful revitalization is not only possible but also predictable. The evidence, skillfully woven into cogent argument, builds chapter on chapter. Without denying the importance of a booming economy or new energy from immigration, the authors make a credible case that but for these new forces - especially the local nonprofit CDCs - the successes they describe would not have been realized. And while they acknowledge the important role of HUD's Community Development Block Grant and HOME programs, and the Low Income Housing Tax Credit, (which provide the "fuel" for these engines), the authors rightly focus on the local nonprofit machinery as necessary for these programs to work. As a 30-year practitioner at the federal level, I can attest to the wisdom of this focus. The best outcomes seem to occur, as is borne out by the book, when the Federal government uses its leverage, instead of prescriptive programs, (e.g., the Low Income Housing Tax Credit, the CRA, FannyMae directed-mortgage commitments and so fourth), and the local level - using this Federal leverage - is free to design and implement appropriate solutions.

The writing is a pleasure: speaking, for example, of the Federal government's role in establishing the practice of "redlining" [excluding large demographic areas from access to mortgages] and the decades later passage of the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) [encouraging banks to lend in such areas], the authors comment:

"Consequently, to view the modern mortgage industry as an immaculate offspring of the unfettered private market - one whose dainty virtue was now threatened by an unprecedented federal groping [the CRA] - was disingenuousness raised to the level of parody. Perfect, in other words, for a congressional debate."

So fluid is the writing that one is barely aware of all the information actually coming off the page. Surprising nuggets, simple but powerful, are so easily told their significance might not be immediately appreciated. Just two of many examples: that poverty needn't be inexorably associated with disorder and slum conditions, - as demonstrated by the South Bronx story - deserves serious reflection. As does the lesson of how taking care of little things - like people jumping the fare stiles in the NY subway system - can pay major dividends:

"Collaring 'petty' offenders suddenly led to a harvest of arrests of serious criminals. One out of ten fare beaters turned out to be wanted on a felony warrant, and many others were carrying illegal firearms. In one stroke, Bratton had not only eliminated an appalling spectacle that was frightening the public and costing the transit system tens of millions in lost revenues annually, he was bagging large numbers of wanted felons in the bargain. As a billiard player would say, a three cushion shot. Crime in the subways fell off a cliff. Between 1990 and 1994 felonies dropped 75%, robberies by 64 percent."

But cities are complex entities, even "organic," and if there is any criticism, it may be that the writing is so clear and easy that some may think it belies an extraordinary energy required of these local citizens and officials to achieve these hard won victories. This would be a mistake. Certainly, effort and energy are required, but perhaps one of the lessons of this book, to put it simply, is that things go much easier with the right approach. In fact, no matter the energy expended, they might not "go" at all without it. This book is about the right approach.

Comeback Cities is superbly crafted. And, while optimistic, it is by no means a Pollyannaish book about the elimination of poverty, injustice, and how we can all get along. Speaking from "hands-on" experience the authors describe what they see, and take care not to overstate the case. This is an honest, balanced book that provides a sound basis for hope, with realistic recommendations to multiply the rebirth they document.

"The political challenge for cities and their supporters -and specifically for the next president and Congress-is to draw the national imagination towards the astonishing accomplishments already underway, the pace of those accomplishments, the intelligence that has led them, and the mounting opportunity they will create as they continue to pile up.".

Comeback Cities will fire this imagination. It is well worth the time of anyone interested - even if only remotely- in urban America. It avoids the normally dense "policy wonk stuff" and makes complex issues transparently accessible. It is must reading for academics, policymakers, and the general public.